sean wilentz new york times

06/12/2020 Uncategorized

The New York Times’ 1619 Project has a conflicted relationship with history.. The New York Times' 1619 Project launched with the best of intentions, but has been undermined by some of its claims. Moreover, the convention did not arrive at the formula of combining each state’s House and Senate numbers until very late in its proceedings, and there is no evidence to suggest that slavery had anything to do with it. First, the slaveholders did not need to invent the Electoral College to fend off direct popular election of the president. But didn’t the college, whatever the framers’ intentions, eventually become a bulwark for what Northerners would later call the illegitimate slave power? Other delegates floated making the state governors the electors. His most recent book is No Property in Man: Slavery and Antislavery at the Nation’s Founding. Sean Wilentz, The Atlantic January 23, 2020. View UCgs64-uMopqS0xYvqhYDmZw’s profile on YouTube, The Fight Over the 1619 Project is Not About the Facts, “Mr. Some of you will remember Sean Wilentz ‘s letter to The New York Times criticizing the newspaper’s 1619 Project . There are ample grounds for criticizing the Constitution’s provisions for electing the president. The alternative, and winning, plan, which became known as the Electoral College only some years later, certainly gave the slaveholding states the advantage of the three-fifths clause. The Electoral College Was Not a Pro-Slavery Ploy. The New York Times, ... New York … Some delegates had proposed that Congress have the privilege, a serious proposal that died out of concern the executive branch would be too subservient to the legislative. Not believing the hype, Guyott found Wilentz’s portrait of James Madison as an abolitionist far too worshipful. But the connection was incidental, and no more of an advantage than if Congress had been named the electors. When it first took shape at the convention, the Electoral College would not have significantly helped the slaveowning states. With the exception of Wilentz, all of these American historians criticized the 1619 Project at the World Socialist Web Site. Our letter applauded the project’s stated aim to raise public awareness and understanding of slavery’s central importance in our history. The early president most helped by the Constitution’s rejection of direct popular election was John Quincy Adams, later an antislavery hero, who won the White House in 1824-25 despite losing both the popular and electoral votes to Andrew Jackson. The 1619 Project, published by The New York Times Magazine, aimed to “reframe the … Take away that manipulation, and Jefferson would have won with or without the extra Southern votes. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Most important, once the possibility of direct popular election of the president was defeated, how much did the slaveholding states rush to support the concept of presidential electors? Read the entire rest here. According to The New York Times, Wilentz — the George Henry Davis 1886 Professor of American History — worked with non-fiction writer Brenda Wineapple to draft the statement. If there's one word admirers and critics alike can agree on when it comes to The New York Times' award-winning 1619 Project, it's ambition. The number of each state’s electoral votes would be the same as its combined representation in the House and the Senate. The letter is signed by Wilentz, Victoria Bynum, James McPherson, James Oakes, and Gordon Wood. Although the project is not a conventional work of history and cannot be judged as such, the letter intended to help ensure that its efforts did not come at the expense of basic accuracy. The letter has provoked considerable reaction, some of it from historians affirming our concerns about the 1619 Project’s inaccuracies, some from historians questioning our motives in pointing out those inaccuracies, and some from the Times itself. (The House decided that election.) Not at all. Several weeks ago, the Princeton historian Sean Wilentz, who had criticized the 1619 Project’s “cynicism” in a lecture in November, began quietly circulating a letter objecting to … After the publication of the letter, journalist Adam Serwer wrote a piece at The Atlantic titled, “The Fight Over the 1619 Project is Not About the Facts.” The subtitle reads: “A dispute between a small group of scholars and the authors of The New York Times Magazine‘s issue on slavery represents a fundamental disagreement over the trajectory of American society.”. I said as much in a book I published in September. During the weeks and months after the 1619 Project first appeared, however, historians, publicly and privately, began expressing alarm over serious inaccuracies. This byline is for a different person with the same name. For more than two generations, historians have deepened and transformed the study of the centrality of slavery and race to American history and generated a wealth of facts and interpretations. The New York Times’ 1619 Project entered a new phase of historical assessment when the paper published a scathing criticism by five well-known historians of the American Revolution and Civil War eras. By including the number of senators, two from each state, the formula leaned to making the apportionment fairer to the smaller states. The NYT’s editor-in-chief Josh Silverstein previously said that the project is not wrong. Based on the 1790 census, about 41 percent of the nation’s total white population lived in those same states, a minuscule difference. Still others favored the state legislatures. Southerners didn’t embrace the idea of electors because it might enlarge slavery’s power; they feared, as the North Carolinian Hugh Williamson, who was not a slaveholder, remarked, that the men chosen as electors would be corruptible “persons not occupied in the high offices of government.” Pro-elite concerns were on their minds — just as, ironically, elite supporters of the Electoral College hoped the body would insulate presidential politics from popular passions. In the newspaper’s lengthy formal response, the New York Times Magazine editor in chief, Jake Silverstein, flatly denied that the project “contains significant factual errors” and said that our request for corrections was not “warranted.” Silverstein then offered new evidence to support claims that our letter had described as groundless. Here are some tips. Sean Wilentz is a professor of history at Princeton and the author, most recently, of “No Property in Man: Slavery and Antislavery at the Nation’s Founding.”. You can read it here. Direct election did have some influential supporters, including Gouverneur Morris of New York, author of the Constitution’s preamble. —Sean Wilentz. With the exception of Wilentz, all of these American historians criticized the 1619 Project at the World Socialist Web Site. By Sean Wilentz Disunion follows the Civil War as it unfolded. Sean Wilentz. The New York Times via AP. Nov 12, 2020 Open in Who Shared Wrong byline? February 6, 2020 | 12:17am EST. Sean Wilentz is the George Henry Davis 1886 Professor of ­American History at Princeton. That’s why a merciful God invented second editions. Dershowitz is an expert on civil liberties and criminal law and procedure, not constitutional law generally”. If you stop at this point in the record, as I once did, there would be no two ways about it. Nikole Hannah-Jones, the leader of The New York Times' 1619 Project. University professors James McPherson and Sean Wilentz were two of the five historians who sent a letter to The New York Times in December requesting corrections to its 1619 Project, igniting debates in national media and on Twitter over the role of slavery in American history. Like many historians, I thought the evidence clearly showed the Electoral College arose from a calculated power play by the slaveholders. By the time the delegates at the Federal Convention in 1787 got around to debating how the president ought to be chosen, they had already approved the three-fifths clause, that counted slaves as three-fifths of a person. But that doesn’t mean he is going to give Arkansas senator Tom Cotton a pass for his recent comments about slavery and the founding fathers. But the convention, deeply suspicious of what one Virginian in another context called “the fury of democracy,” crushed the proposal on two separate occasions. The correction request was signed by Victoria Bynum of Texas State University, James McPherson and Sean Wilentz of Princeton University, James Oakes of the City University of New York … Some historians have revived an old partisan canard that the slaveholding states’ extra electoral votes unfairly handed Thomas Jefferson the presidency in 1800-01. And here’s our email: [email protected] As president, the slaveholder Jackson became one of American history’s most prominent critics of the Electoral College, which he blasted for disallowing the people “to express their own will.” The Electoral College system made no difference in deciding the presidency during the 36 years before the Civil War. Including the number of House members leaned in favor of the larger states. I used to favor amending the Electoral College, in part because I believed the framers put it into the Constitution to protect slavery. Some of you will remember Sean Wilentz‘s letter to The New York Times criticizing the newspaper’s 1619 Project. Historian Sean Wilentz dissected key details in the NYT’s “1619 Project” that he said taint the project. They ignore anti-Jefferson manipulation of the electoral vote in heavily pro-Jefferson Pennsylvania that offset the Southerners’ electoral advantage. The group included previous critics James McPherson, Gordon Wood, Victoria Bynum, and James Oakes, along with a new signature from Sean Wilentz. You can read it here . Under the initial apportionment of the House approved by the framers, the slaveholding states would have held 39 out of 92 electoral votes, or about 42 percent. 35:30 - 1:04:49 Download an Audio Podcast Howard Chandler Christy, via GraphicaArtis/Getty Images. Above all, the Virginia slaveholder James Madison — the most influential delegate at the convention — insisted that while direct popular election of the president was the “fittest” system, it would hurt the South, whose population included nonvoting slaves. On July 17, 1862, the last day of the congressional session, President Lincoln signed into law “An Act to suppress Insurrection, to punish Treason and Rebellion, to seize and confiscate the Property of Rebels, and for other Purposes,” commonly known as the Second Confiscation Act. Yet the subject, which connects the past to our current troubled times, remains too little understood by the general public. The Electoral College, as approved by the convention in its final form, in effect enshrined the three-fifths clause in the selection of the president. Offering practical support to that end, it pointed out specific statements that, if allowed to stand, would misinform the public and give ammunition to those who might be opposed to the mission of grappling with the legacy of slavery. Not really. That tool is far too important to cede now. Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram. Sean Wilentz is a professor of history at Princeton and the author, most recently, of “ No Property in Man: Slavery and Antislavery at the Nation’s Founding.” The Times … Wilentz highlights the limitations of the New York Times‘ “1619 Project,” which argues that slavery was foundational to US history. Wilentz’s book had the same perspective as the letter to the New York Times. Although they diverge sharply, the most common accounts of American slavery have an air of inevitability about them. According to New York Times Magazine editor-in-chief, Jake Silverstein, this symposium of essays could be many things at once. But the myth that the Electoral College began as a slaveholders’ instrument needs debunking — which I hope to help with in my book’s revised paperback. On further and closer inspection, however, the case against the framers begins to unravel. How, then, would the president be elected, if not directly by the people at large? Getty Images It isn’t an overstatement to describe The New York Times’ 1619 Project as a … To sustain its particular take on an immense subject while also informing a wide readership is a remarkably ambitious goal, imposing, among other responsibilities, a scrupulous regard for factual accuracy. In the initial vote over having electors select the president, the only states voting “nay” were North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia — the three most ardently proslavery states in the convention. (May 2020) The 1619 Project proposed to fill that gap with its own interpretation. A contributing editor to The New Republic, and a member of the editorial boards of Dissent and Democracy, Professor Wilentz lectures frequently and has written some three hundred articles, reviews, and op-ed pieces for publications such as the New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, the New York Review of Books, the London Review of Books, the American Scholar, The Nation, Le Monde, and … Ambition to reframe America's conversation about race. That the system enabled the election in 2016 of precisely the kind of demagogic figure the framers designed the system to block suggests the framework may need serious repair. Two days after the initial publication of the letter, the House of Representatives passed two articles of impeachment against the President. The article Wilentz wrote, published in The Atlantic Wednesday, follows up a letter written to the NYT urging it to correct various errors. Mr. Wilentz is the author, most recently, of “No Property in Man: Slavery and Antislavery at the Nation’s Founding.”. But the framers did not put it into the Constitution to protect the South. The correction request was signed by Victoria Bynum of Texas State University, James M. McPherson and Sean Wilentz of Princeton University, James Oakes of the City University of New York … The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. The letter requested that the Times print corrections of the errors that had already appeared, and that it keep those errors from appearing in any future materials published with the Times’ imprimatur, including the school curricula the newspaper announced it was developing in conjunction with the project. No effort to educate the public in order to advance social justice can afford to dispense with a respect for basic facts. The Princeton University American historian Sean Wilentz has been a harsh critic of The New York Times 1619 Project. Instead of election by direct popular vote, each state would name electors (chosen however each state legislature approved), who would actually do the electing. This is especially true regarding the abolition of slavery in 1865. In the New York Times op-ed, Wilentz claimed that the Electoral College would not have effectively helped the slave states in Presidential Elections. As seen in: The New York Times, ... By Sean Wilentz from November 12, 2020, 1:20 pm – 4 MIN READ How it's supposed to work. Wading into one of these debates, Sean Wilentz, the esteemed Princeton historian and author of a new book, “No Property in Man: Slavery and Antislavery at … By the time the delegates at the Constitutional Convention in 1787 debated how the president ought to be chosen, they had already approved the three-fifths clause — the notorious provision that counted slaves as three-fifths of a person to inflate the slave states’ apportionment in the new House of Representatives. Find Sean Wilentz's email address, contact information, LinkedIn, Twitter, other social media and more. But the framers gave the slaveholding states the greatest reward: The more slaves they owned, the more representatives they got, and the more votes each would enjoy in choosing the president. The other signatories were historians Victoria Bynum, James McPherson, Sean Wilentz and James Oakes. The letter is signed by Wilentz, Victoria Bynum, James McPherson, James Oakes, and Gordon Wood. Today The Atlantic published a longer piece by Wilentz on the subject. In an interview with The New York Times, one of the conference’s organizers, a 33-year-old Sean Wilentz, admitted that Thomas had no clear successor. But I’ve decided I was wrong. The slaveholding states, he said, “could have no influence in the election on the score of the Negroes.” Instead, the framers, led by Madison, concocted the Electoral College to give extra power to the slaveholders. In the long and continuing battle against oppression of every kind, an insistence on plain and accurate facts has been a powerful tool against propaganda that is widely accepted as truth. The framers’ own damning words seem to cinch the case that the Electoral College was a pro-slavery ploy. In the interest of historical accuracy, it is worth examining his denials and new claims in detail. On December 20, the Times Magazine published a letter that I signed with four other historians—Victoria Bynum, James McPherson, James Oakes, and Gordon Wood. Here is a taste of piece “A Matter of Facts“: The opportunity seized by the 1619 Project is as urgent as it is enormous. There is a lot wrong with how we choose the president. His writing has been published in the New Republic, New York Times, Vanity Fair, the Nation, Sunday Times of London and Washington Monthly, among other … Whatever one thinks about Wilentz’s argument, it is hard to say that he is not making a case based on historical facts or offering a critique of the 1619 Project that is within the bounds of historical inquiry. Articles by Sean Wilentz on Muck Rack. Readers expect nothing less from The New York Times, the project’s sponsor, and they deserve nothing less from an effort as profound in its intentions as the 1619 Project. Wilentz 's email address, contact information, LinkedIn, Twitter ( @ )! 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